Sir David Nicholson, KCB, CBE, is Chief Executive of NHS England.
In 2010 Nicholson jokingly described NHS reform plans, the implementation of the Health and Social Care Act (2012), as the biggest change management programme in the world – the only one “so large that you can actually see it from space.”
Andy Burnham MP gave a speech to The King’s Fund on 24 January 2013, entitled “‘Whole-Person Care’ A One Nation approach to health and care for the 21st Century”.
And the Conservative Party, with Jeremy Hunt MP as Secretary of State for Health, have been eyeing up ‘integration‘ too.
So, like many areas of policy such as the private finance initiative, personal budgets or ‘efficiency savings’, there might be considerable consensus amongst the main political parties about implementing a further transformational change in the English NHS.
In that famous King’s Fund speech, Burnham comments, “Second, our fragile NHS has no capacity for further top-down reorganisation, having been ground down by the current round. I know that any changes must be delivered through the organisations and structures we inherit in 2015. ”
This is coupled with, “While we retain the organisations, we will repeal the Health and Social Care Act 2012 and the rules of the market.”
The Health and Social Care Act (2012) as a legislative instrument, whatever the political bluster, had three main legislative aims.
It aimed to implement competitive tendering in procurement as the default option, thus expediting transfer of resources from the public sector to the private sector; it beefed up the powers of the economic regulator (“Monitor”) for this “market”; and it produced a preliminary mechanism for the managed decline of financially unviable entities in the NHS.
Therefore repealing the Act can be argued as a necessary and proportionate move for taking out the ‘competition jet engines’ of the NHS “market”.
Experience from a number of jurisdictions provides that the legal challenges in allowing integration (and bundling) within the framework of competition law are formidable.
There is a clinical case for integrated care, in allowing more co-ordinated care of the person across various disciplines, for example medical, psychiatric or social, for both health and disease.
If community services are ‘wired up’ with hospital services, provided that community services are not starved of money at the same time as hospital services, there is a good rationale in that the health of certain people, followed closely in the community, might not freefall so badly that they require admission to a medical admissions unit.
There is also a financial argument that integrated or whole person care might work, but clearly no political party will wish to prioritise this ahead of quality of clinical care, particularly given the current tinderbox of cuts in medical and social care.
But whichever way you look at it, ‘whole person’ care involves a huge cultural change; this has repercussions for how all professions conduct themselves in their care, especially with regards to community care, and has consequences for training of staff in NHS England.
And it is impossible to think that, whichever political party ultimately becomes responsible for introducing a whole person or integrated care approach, it won’t cost money.
For example, setting up the infrastructure for data sharing, whether clinical or for the purposes of unified budgets, has a long history of being expensive.
Estimates of the cost of the reorganisation just gone are a bit confused, but they tend to range between £2.5 and £3 bn.
The risk of turbulence can be, to some extent, mitigated against by known people at the helm, such as Andy Burnham or Liz Kendall, but the last thing the general public will wish is another period of massive upheaval.
It can be argued that these changes are ‘a good idea’, and it’s only a question of explaining the benefits to the general public, but, following the Health and Social Care Act and caredata, the track record of this current Government is nothing to write home about.
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