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Explicit acknowledgement from the Court of Appeal that the government is taking the TSA model to attempt widespread NHS reconfiguration



CoA

 

The judgment from the appeal court (Court of Appeal), the second highest court in England and Wales, provides useful clarification on the reasoning behind why Jeremy Hunt lost.

This judgment has been published thus by LJ Sullivan, with their other Lordships in agreement, including significantly the current Master of the Rolls.

Jos Bell explains elegantly the situation regarding Lewisham on the ‘Our NHS’ website as follows:

In the Lewisham case, the judge, Justice Silber, had ruled that Hunt and his administrator Matthew Kershaw had no right to use the ‘special administration process’ in a neighbouring NHS trust – South London – to meddle in the affairs of unrelated Lewisham Hospital – and to ignore the view of local GPs.

In part, this sudden pop-up Amendment (to Care Bill Clause 109) is the action of a government shoring themselves up for a judicial defeat. Lewisham campaigners suspect that the government senses their Appeal, due to be heard just a week after the Lords debate has been tabled, is on rocky ground. Although the Amendment will not apply retrospectively to the Lewisham case, if it passes it would enable them to rain blows on Lewisham that they have been unable to inflict by other means, all over again.

It is reported that the health minister Frederick Howe had explained in a letter to peers that the amendment would “put beyond doubt” that the trust special administrator has power to make recommendations and that the health secretary (or Monitor in the case of foundation trusts) has the power to take decisions that affect providers other than the one to which the administrator was appointed.

The Court of Appeal decision fundamentally hinges on a very strict point of law – that is, what parliament had intended, particularly in relation to how Chapter 5A must be construed in the context of the 2006 Act as a whole [as legislated].

Due to the separation of powers in English law, it is not for judges to make the law generally.

Judges are there to interpret the law.

The Court of Appeal appears to be acknowledging that the current government is taking the TSA model to attempt widespread NHS reconfiguration. The evidence for this strikingly emerged in para. 19 of the Judgment:

    1. The fact that in some cases a TSA might think it necessary to go further and make recommendations for action in relation to other Trusts, as happened in the present case, might be a justification for conferring wider powers on TSAs and the Secretary of State, but whether or not that would be desirable is a matter for Parliament, not this Court. We were told that a new clause has been inserted into the Care Bill, which is presently before Parliament. The new clause provides that references in Chapter 5A to taking action in relation to an NHS trust include a reference to taking action “in relation to another NHS Trust”. This is precisely the kind of provision that one would have expected to see in Chapter 5A if Parliament had intended it to have the meaning attributed to it by the Appellants.

Now it is crucial for Parliament to decide how it is going to progress on this issue.

It is also vital to acknowledge that the Care Bill 2013 has not obtained Royal Assent yet.

It’s not law yet.

But it is getting closer and closer.

Care Bill picture

As confirmed by Jos Bell, the next steps are going to be crucial.

Jos tweet

The law has to be “clear, unambigious and devoid of relevant qualification“.

Judges in deciding upon controversial cases often have to go behind ‘what parliament had intended’.

But what parliament had intended was clear.

Lawyers are indeed allowed to look to external statutory aids to help them interpret the law. This can conceivably even in come in the form of Twitter. Andy Burnham MP, the former Secretary of State for Health, announced on Twitter on 28 October 2013:

Extended tweet

Jeremy Hunt’s cardinal mistake for both the High Court and the Court of Appeal was try to act outside of his powers. What the current executive is attempting here is an aggressive use of the ‘special administration process’ to shut down NHS entities, contrary to p.47 of the 2010 Conservative Party Manifesto.

That the Conservative Party had broken their Manifesto pledge was articulately demonstrated in #pmqs by Heidi Alexander MP this week (as reported in Hansard):

Heidi Alexander Qn

The Coalition is propelling us at high speed into the chaotic  “dog-eats-dog” ‘rule of the market’. It is this out-of-control market which appears fundamentally, and rather paradoxically, anarchic.

For Labour currently, it is critical that abuse of powers through the TSA ‘route’ is stopped.

It is widely anticipated that Liz Kendall MP and Jamie Reed MP will be playing a critical rôle in Labour’s response to the Care Bill including its amendments. One cannot wish but to give them full support, as this parliamentary fight is not over by any means.

In a significant step, Jeremy Taylor, Chief Executive of “National Voices” has asked for the Department of Health to withdraw this amendment to the Care Bill. He has copied in fact his letter to Norman Lamb MP and Una O’Brien.

Jeremy’s letter could not be clearer:

We recognise the special and difficult circumstances surrounding trust failure. We do not accept that these conditions justify cutting out patient and public involvement. If anything it is the reverse. Without the input of the citizens affected by the changes, decisions taken in haste are more likely to be wrong and more likely to erode public confidence. The circumstances call for a different model of engagement, not an absence of engagement. National Voices, together with our members, partners and friends, offers to work with the Department and other key system players to help co-produce such a model.

A clear solution for what (now) ‘parliament intends’, especially given that no party won the general election of 2010, is not in sight yet.

 

The War of the Cornrows



SG v St Gregory’s Catholic Science College [2011] EWHC 1452 (Admin) (17 June 2010), before Mr Justice Collins

A London school’s ban of the cornrows hairstyle resulted in “unlawful, indirect racial discrimination”, the High Court has ruled.

Mr Justice Collins specified that the ban by St Gregory’s Catholic Science College in Harrow was not unlawful in itself, but should have taken into account individual pupils’ family traditions. This claim was originally lodged on 16 December 2009, and concerns the lawfulness of the uniform policy applied by the defendants which, because the claimant was unwilling to comply with one aspect of it, meant he was unable to take up his place at the school. At that time, SH was aged 11 and was due to commence his secondary education at the defendants’ school. He is of African-Caribbean ethnicity. In his family, as his mother states, all men wear their hair in cornrows.

The background is clearly stated in an initial paragraph of the judgment,

2

[SG] has since birth not cut his hair and it is kept in cornrows. This is in accordance with his family tradition. Cornrows (sometimes called braids) are prohibited by the uniform policy of the school and so he was not permitted to attend school so long as he kept his cornrow style. In his claim, he contended that the prohibition on cornrows it was unlawful because discriminatory on sex and on race grounds. Further, he asserted that there had been a failure to give any advance notice of the ban on cornrows (since, it was said, the written uniform policy did not make it apparent that the ban existed). As a result of his mother’s complaints, the ban on cornrows has now been made explicit. It was said that there should have been consultation before this change was made and there was accordingly a breach of his legitimate expectation that the policy which did not explicitly ban cornrows would be applied. There were further complaints that there had been a failure to follow guidance issued by the what was then the Department of Children Families and Schools (DCFS), now the Department of Education, and a failure by the defendants to discharge their equality duty (imposed by s.71 of the Race Relations Act 1976 and s.76A of the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 respectively and now contained in s.149 of the Equality Act 2010 which came into force on 5 April 2011).

SG is now at a different school. The defendants assisted him in obtaining a place and he is happy there.  Kenneth Parker J granted permission for the claim to be pursued on 15 June 2010. This present claim was entertained, even though SG did not seek any concrete relief. SG did not wish to be able to attend the defendants’ school. The defendants for their part recognised that religious or medical reasons may justify an exception. Thus Rastafarians or Sikhs who do not cut their hair would  be permitted not to conform.

The question Mr Justice Collins to decide is whether, on what is now said by the claimant, his mother and witnesses who have made statements on his behalf, he should have been allowed not to conform since to refuse to allow him to do so amounted to unlawful discrimination.

The relevant law was discussed, especially the Sex Discrimination Act [1975] and the Equality Act [2010]. The uniform policy in force in the school in September 2009 was discussed.  The policy did not specifically refer to cornrows. However, at the reception meeting for new pupils the cornrow ban was stated. Unfortunately, the claimant and his mother were late arrivals and did not hear the announcement nor had they been told earlier any more than the policy. Thus the first they knew of the ban was the refusal to allow the claimant to attend unless the cornrows were removed. Furthermore, this case was not a ‘general attack’ on the school, as the Judge noted:

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The school has published policies on Equality and Diversity and on Race Equality. It is in the London Borough of Brent and in one of the most ethnically diverse communities in the United Kingdom. The vast majority of its pupils are not white and those of African-Caribbean or African ethnicity constitute over 30% of the total of 1027 pupils. There are particular concerns in the area about gang culture (which is predominately a male problem). This must be kept out of the school and the uniform policy is believed to assist in this aim. The school has received outstanding grades in the 2009 Ofsted report in respect of pupil safety and behaviour, pupils’ spiritual, moral, social and cultural development and the effectiveness with which it promotes equality of opportunity and tackles discrimination.

Mr Justice Collins in his judgment clear that there is and can be no suggestion that the school is in any way knowingly guilty of any racial or other discrimination. He suggested that the contrary was in fact the case., and that the school has an excellent record. Mr Wolfe has not sought to suggest the contrary. Thus any unlawful discrimination which may be found to exist results from a failure to appreciate fully what the law requires and honest errors. Mr Justice Collins then ‘dotted the ‘i’s and crossed the ‘t’s’ in considering whether there had been any “particular advantage”, as the law required him to do so.

37

The words used by Parliament are ‘a particular disadvantage’. The adjective ‘particular’ is obviously intended to indicate that what is recognised is more than a disadvantage – that would apply if a person was unable to act in a way in which he or she wished to act because, for example, it was considered to be a desirable way of manifesting his or her beliefs. It is clear that more than choice is needed to constitute a particular disadvantage. But I think, with the greatest respect to Silber, J, it may be that the need to show exceptional importance puts the threshold too high. Certainly there is a need to show particular importance: that is the word used, and it conveys a need for a high standard.

But is such discrimination justified?

42

.. The purpose of the duty is to require public bodies to whom it applies to give advance consideration to issues of race discrimination before making any policy decision that may be affected by them: see per Arden LJ in R(Elias) v Secretary of State for Defence [2006] 1 WLR 3213 at paragraph 274. She observed:-

“This is a salutary requirement and this provision must be seen as an integral and important part of the mechanisms for ensuring the fulfilment of the aims of anti-discrimination legislation.”

But what about the effect of allowing cornrows would have on wider policy?

47

The concern is that to permit an exception for one hairstyle would mean that it would not be possible to justify a zero tolerance approach to others. There would be likely to be applications from others for example to allow ‘skin head’ cuts as they are common in some eastern European cultures. It is said that to allow such as the claimant to wear cornrows would mean that the policy which was producing the desired results would be undermined and so the school would be expected to run the risk of trouble.

So in para. 48 Mr Justice Collins concluded,

I am afraid I do not find these objections valid. It is only if there is a genuine cultural and family practice of not cutting males’ hair and wearing cornrows that an exception could be made. It would be made clear that the grounds for such an exception would have to be established and that conformity must occur unless to conform was regarded as impossible. There is no reason why hairstyles which might be indicative of gang culture should be permitted. There is, for example, not a shred of evidence to suggest that anything but choice could lead to a skin head cut.

The school said it was “naturally disappointed” and may try to appeal. It said, “St Gregory’s is proud of its rich cultural and ethnic diversity and is run on the belief that everyone at the school is equal and made in the image of God.” Rob Berkley, meanwhile, Director of the race equality think-tank the Runnymede Trust: “This isn’t an outrageous hairstyle”.  Mr Justice Collins dismissed the claim there had been sex discrimination.

Kieren Fallon falls before the first fence at the Derby because of the law



Contract law is obviously the bread-and-butter of English law. Increasingly so, the racing industry and its stakeholders has become an important sector for the law. Please see our recent article on the Tote.

By the orders of two High Court judges yesterday, Kieren Fallon was not allowed to race in the Epsom Derby where he had looked to have a bright chance of winning the premier classic for a fourth time, riding 9-2 third favourite Recital.

Owner Ibrahim Araci said three-time Derby winner Fallon had reneged on a deal to ride for him, but Fallon called it an “innocent misunderstanding“. On Friday a judge refused an injunction but on the morning of the race the appeal court reversed the ruling, preventing him from racing. Fallon’s ride on his preferred mount, Recital, went to Pat Smullen. Native Khan, meanwhile, was ridden by another three-time Derby winner in Johnny Murtagh.

 

In his ruling, Lord Justice Jackson said Fallon’s status within the world of racing did not allow him special privileges. This is entirely in keeping with the English rule of law.

“There is nothing special about the world of racing which entitles the major players to act in flagrant breach of contract,” he said.

“The defendant has brought this present predicament on himself.”

The judge further added that he would “unhesitatingly refuse an injunction” if it would mean the Derby would not take place, because it is a “major national event”.

However, he said that while the ruling was unfortunate, it “doesn’t materially retract from the event as a whole“.

** Important Update **

The full judgment from the Court of Appeal (Civic Division) before LJ Elias and LJ Jackson has now been published here:

http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWCA/Civ/2011/668.html

 

 

Lotus or no Lotus?



Group Lotus Plc & Anor v 1 Malaysia Racing Team SDN BHD & Ors [2011] EWHC 1366 (Ch) (27 May 2011)

Neutral Citation Number: [2011] EWHC 1366 (Ch

The judgment is available here.

After weeks of deliberation, the High Court in London ruled yesterday that two apparently different ‘Lotus’ teams could continue to race in the sport.

In a detailed judgment, Mr Justice Peter Smith ruled that Team Lotus had the right to race in F1 as “Team Lotus” – and that the car manufacturer “Group Lotus” had the right to use the Lotus name in association with another racing team. That meant they could continue to run in their classic black-and-gold livery with Renault, as they have done so far this year, in the Lotus Renault GP team. The court ruled also that Team Lotus, a ‘new’ Anglo-Malaysian outfit created to enter F1 in 2010 as Lotus Racing, had breached a licensing agreement with Group Lotus last year.

Under this ruling, “Team Lotus” has the right to continue to race in Formula One under the name Team Lotus, but the effect of the judgment is that only “Group Lotus” can use the name ‘Lotus’ on its own in F1. “Group Lotus” is concerned that this aspect of the judgment will cause confusion in the eyes of spectators and the wider public. Accordingly, “Group Lotus” is seeking leave to appeal so that the right to use the Lotus brand in Formula 1 is clarified once and for all in the interests of the sport and the fans.

The issue over the racing colours arises from the decision of “Group Lotus” to paint its cars in the “iconic” black and gold. Last year, the Lotus Racing cars were what might be called “traditional” Lotus colours of green and yellow. There are thus currently two sets (four in total) of cars entered into F1 proposing to or already racing with the name Lotus incorporated in their name. The major issue therefore is whether or not two sets of Lotus cars can legitimately race in F1 under a name incorporating Lotus in some way and use the Lotus Roundel. The organisers of F1 do not apparently regard it as a problem.

Central to the case is the perceived goodwill, by fans and customers, towards the brand of “Lotus”, as it is popularly understood.

Para 156

GL was formed to manufacture and sell sports cars in 1958. It directly has done nothing else. Colin Chapman started life racing cars. He also manufactured racing cars and sold them to Privateers. In the early to mid 1950s he started racing under the name “Team Lotus”. By 1961 and with the incorporation of TLL a decision was made clearly to compete in F1. Thereafter the Team Lotus raced cars; it did not manufacture them. It is clear that the goods and services that TLL sold when it went into the F1 business were the benefits that might accrue to being associated with a successful team. GL appreciated those benefits and paid for them []. Sponsors appreciated them and will have paid for them. Success breeds spin offs. The racing public likes to buy goods and memorabilia associated with successful F1 cars. This has over the years become a significant part of the income for F1 racers. “The public” thereby identified is not the same as the public at large nor is it necessarily in my view the same as the public who might like to watch F1 racing on television. Equally the public from the point of view of GL’s sales of Lotus sports cars is the public who primarily wish to buy its products i.e. Lotus sports cars. Some members of the public will undoubtedly be attracted because of the association with Team Lotus. It will be thought that if GL is associated with successful racing cars they might be expected to produce successful sports cars. There will be people who buy Lotus sports cars who have no interest in F1 racing. They simply buy Lotus sports cars in preference to other sports cars.

Mr Justice Peter Smith ruled that “Team Lotus” had to pay damages to “Group Lotus” for the breach of their licensing agreement. According to the judgment, it appears that the common practice of referring to “Team Lotus” as “Lotus”, in a second reference, and “Lotus Renault”, as Renault, may have to end. Finally, “Group Lotus” announced yesterday that they are seeking leave to appeal because they believe the judgment will cause confusion in the eyes of spectators and television viewers.

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