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Labour leadership pains: It’s not where you’ve come from, it’s where you’re going to



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I must admit that I was taken aback when Gordon Brown quoted a former ‘successful’ Labour Prime Minister thus, “And, in Harold Wilson’s words, Labour is “a moral crusade or it is nothing”. I wasn’t so much amazed that Brown had decided to name drop a Labour Prime Minister who was well known for making policy up on the hoof, and possibly more into style than substance, but the fact that Brown had quoted one of Tony Benn’s favourite quotes ‘of Harold’. To understand the general approach of Jeremy Corbyn, you could do no worse possibly than to watch the film ‘Last Will and Testament’, where like Brown, Benn sets out the historical events which have inspired his quest for social justice. Brown’s penultimate line of conclusion was “And follow what Bevan called that decent instinct to do something that will help the lives of people most in need”, but I think that it is through looking that through this prism you can begin to understand the pain at the lack of efficacy of Labour’s so-called ‘opposition’. For example, Labour has never committed to reversing the destruction of the English legal aid system and the network of English law centres, claiming that such plans would not be possible given austerity. Austerity itself is the reason the NHS is being driven to do ‘more for less’, except the whole world and his dog knows that hospitals get by with the basic of staff on on-call cover, and idea of stretching out existing resources into a seven day way is laughable for most professionals within the service. It is therefore easy for me to understand the immediate popularity of Jeremy Corbyn; that he is defying the neoliberal doctrine, ‘there is no alternative’, with an alternative to austerity. This indeed is not an unelectable formula – look at Scotland (even though one can rightly moot whether SNP policies as actually legislated are particularly left wing). One can argue about whether Corbynomics will work, but the sheer defiance of the ‘there is no money tree’ with quantitative easing is worth raising an eyebrow at least. I have no idea whether Corbynomics is pro-inflationary, but then again no one else unless he or she happens to be an astrologer.

 

I went up to the Labour Party Conference in 2010 in Manchester. I got to Manchester Piccadilly precisely at the time that they were announcing the Labour Party’s new leader – who was Ed Miliband. Ed Miliband had defied the critics, and had come from nowhere to ‘seal the deal’. This was to much happiness of those who at that stage hated the Blairite wing of the party. I as such do not hate Blairism in the same way that I do not hate any corporates. I do not see Blairism as a social movement, but as a group of some extremely bright people but also some rather sanctimonious disparate people who can see no wrong in Tony Blair. I think many people use Chilcot as an excuse to hate Blair personally rather than a reason, but then again whether the UK went into war legally is a serious issue. I was greeted accidentally by Michael Meacher MP as I entered the ground floor of a pub in 2010 for the Socialist Societies meeting. I asked Michael if he was happy at Ed Miliband’s election: he said, “Not happy – ecstatic.” But he then added, “We’ve got our party back.” And I was to hear this phrase often during conference. And yet he struck me for the remainder of his term as leader that Ed Miliband was never a socialist, but a social democrat. That’s why I thought that the attacks of Red Ed were deeply fraudulent – but clearly not as ridiculous as the bacon butty jibes. When Gordon Brown referred continually to ‘Labour values’, this inevitably was a ‘fist pump’ moment for many, but it is essential to deconstruct whether Labour values, as espoused say by Keir Hardie, have been at the heart of the private finance initiative, where you end up paying for state assets through unconscionable loan agreements, or whether it is particularly Labour values to flog off the State’s infrastructure which you’ve invested in for decades. Lord Mandelson was one of the principal architects of the Royal Mail privatisation, so was it really possible for Labour to ‘oppose’ this when the time came? Is it a Labour value to remain relatively supine about the relative lack of nurses’ wages for many?

 

What has been incredible for me has been the sheer vitriol aimed at Jeremy Corbyn MP. Representing a different part of North London to the one I’m in, I ‘get’ his views on social housing. When you consider that the Mayor of London, currently Boris Johnson, does not have qualms about selling ‘new buys’ in Paris, making property prices unaffordable for residents of London, you get his point. When you also realise that without any forms of rent controls, landlords are regularly receiving state subsidy to provide accommodation at a huge profit, you see where Corbyn is coming from. However, there are substantial problems with Corbyn’s pitch in various areas, such as possibly exiting NATO. I remain unconvinced whether he really wants the Labour Party to stay in Europe. We all know his ‘friend and mentor’, as indeed he has called him himself, Tony Benn said ‘No Non Nein’ in the original EU referendum. Benn’s socialist reasoning was that he didn’t want everything to be run from unelected people in Brussels, which saw his logical reasoning go into an unholy alliance with the late Enoch Powell’s. But there is a substantial grouping within the Labour Party who do not see Europe as the great competitive nirvana that multinational corporates espousing free movement of capital and labour can do. They see it as a body which does not protect adequately workers’ rights. Corbyn may wish to take the EU negotiations from first principles with Labour. The attack on Labour during the Scottish referendum was that it was indistinguishable from the Tories – the scope for history repeating itself with the EU referendum is there too.

 

Harriet Harman MP was adamant that Labour should not be opposing for opposing’s sake, and that Labour had to have a moral drive and logic to its opposition. And yet it is Labour which perpetually gives the impression of being utterly toothless and taking it regardless. Its response to the Budget was pretty unmemorable, apart from Chris Leslie for all the wrong reasons. Andy Burnham MP somehow seems to arrived at losing from the clutches of victory, in no way helped by Harman’s stance on the Welfare Reform Bill. Burnham in ‘abstaining’ instead of giving an impression of firm opposition in the form of a ‘reasoned amendment’ which accounted for ‘collective responsibility’ looked instead as if he didn’t give a shit about the devastating effect of welfare cuts, including for the disabled community. Prof Germaine Greer in BBC’s Any Questions unsurprisingly therefore arrived at the conclusion that she expected HM’s ‘Loyal Opposition’ to oppose. There is clearly a feeling now that Labour should not oppose in a long-winged convoluted fashion. It is pretty hard to escape the conclusion that if you want to afford the NHS (not fraudulently articulated fraudulently in neoliberal language as ‘unsustainable’), you have to be willing to pay for it through general taxation. And yet Andy Burnham wants to set up a ‘Beveridge style Commission’ to arrive at this answer. His reasoning for this was presumably because his cherished National Health and Care Service, a great idea which would do much to make a ‘parity a reality’ (one of Burnham’s slogans before he railed against slogans), did not receive its democratic mandate. But there are vast swathes of NHS policy which seemingly do not operate on the basis of a democratic mandate, take for example the suggestion from McKinsey’s of £2 bn or so efficiency savings, or PFI. TTIP is yet another policy arm which, to give him credit, Burnham has been to Europe to oppose. Labour was not in government during the negotiations, but there is a general feeling that Labour did much to put in place the market infrastructure which made subsequent privatisation of NHS relatively easy.

 

clunking fist

(Cartoon by @BarkerCartoons)

 

As for Gordon Brown’s ‘Labour values’. where was tub thumbing Brown given the precipitous and disastrous privatisation of social care? It is a honest and settled view of many that social care funding is now on its knee, having not been ring fenced for the last few years. This simple fact makes Cameron’s view that England is the best place to live with dementia frankly delusional. A lot of reasoning behind Labour’s stance has been that it’s been ‘austerity lite’. Whilst socialism does need lots of money to succeed, or as the critics say ‘someone else’s money’, the state infrastructure does need a modicum of investment – even if the return of the investment is later to the City of London, as will inevitably occur when CrossRail or HS3 are flogged off. Tuition fees is another golden example of where a universal right  to higher education has been marred with a requirement of an ability to pay. They say that somebody can easily land himself or herself a £60K debt bill at the end of university education, and I can well believe that. I am grateful for my university education, but equally I understand that university education is not the ‘be all and end all’ (for example we might wish to extend legal apprenticeships). I don’t like the A level system, as it’s my opinion it reflects more how well you’ve been taught than anything else, but there is so much mileage to be gained from my ‘I wouldn’t start from here’ arguments.

 

I do not happen to agree with the ‘savage’ attacks from the BBC in framing Gordon Brown’s speech as a devastating attack on Jeremy Corbyn MP. For example, Brown quoted Mandela in reference to the notion of the need for hope especially after years ‘in the wilderness’. My interpretation of what Brown was trying to say, albeit with a twang of ‘Don’t blame me if it all goes horribly wrong’, was that any Labour leader must receive the popular vote to get elected in the first place; but once elected it will require a huge effort from all sides to make Government work. I think this is particularly the case for Jeremy Corbyn. At one level, the popularity for him is not the same as left populism, it might be argued, and that the echo chamber Corbynmania and packed out lecture halls are not representative of the Labour voting public at large. We’ve been there before with a heightened sense of optimism, for example Milifandom. You don’t have to go far back in time to get constructive knowledge of polls which have been totally wrong – it could be all the ‘hard entryists’ into Labour do not vote for Corbyn at all, though I have no idea what a million Toby Youngs or Dan Hodges are like. There is a huge risk that Labour is about to enter an extended period of mockery, but you have to remember that Labour had relatively little hope of winning 2020 in any form anyway. Tony Blair is to blame in my opinion definitely for not having done the ‘succession planning’ properly; or you can argue that he is in fact an incredibly successful politician for having pulled the ladder up from underneath him. I think Blair has left in many areas a very formidable legacy as a social democrat, for example LBGT equality, public services reform, devolution, national minimum wage, but the essential problem with all of these policy planks is that we remain utterly clueless about the destination of travel. But the same can be said of Gaitskell or Wilson. But not Attlee – and therein lies some of the trouble.  And as Nye Bevan said, “It’s not where you’ve come from, it’s where you’re going to” – or “If you remain in the middle of the road, you’re bound to get runover.”

Could personal budgets give better choice and control over cure or care for dementia?



“But in the final months of my mum’s life last year, our family saw both the best of the NHS and things that need to change – like a microcosm of the national strategic challenge. We saw fantastic GP support, great specialist cancer services and unbelievably supportive hospice care. We also saw insufficient community support (not enough district nursing and too few hours of home support via continuing health care). But this was not just an issue of insufficient resources in the wrong places, there were also problems related to a lack of shared decision making. My mum felt too powerless in the face of decisions made by systems that professionals felt they had to go along with and managers enacted.”

“Personal Health Budgets and the left – less heat more light please”

This article is an excellent overview of personal health budgets by Martin Routledge.

Currently in England, according to the Government, more than 15 million people have a long term condition – a health problem that can’t be cured but can be controlled by medication or other therapies. This figure is set to increase over the next 10 years, particularly those people with 3 or more conditions at once. Examples of long term conditions include high blood pressure, depression, and arthritis. Of course, a big one is dementia, an “umbrella term” which covers hundreds of different conditions. There are 800,000 people in the United Kingdom who are thought to have one of the dementias. However, a thrust of national policy has been directed at trying to remedy the diagnosis rate which had been perceived as poor (from around 40%).

The Mental Health Foundation back in 2009 had publicly set out a wish that there would be a high level of satisfaction among people living with dementia and their carers with planning and arranging the ongoing support they receive via the different forms of self-directed support, and that specific examples and stories of real experiences, both positive and negative, in the use of the different forms of self-directed support will have been shared. Indeed, various stories have been fed into the media at various points in the intervening years.

People, however, tend to underestimate the extent to which GPs cannot treat underlying conditions.

For example, a GP faced with a headache, the most common neurological presentation in primary care, might decide to treat it symptomatically, except where otherwise indicated.

A GP faced with an individual which is asthmatic may not have a clear idea about the causes of shortness of breath and wheeziness, but might reach for his or her prescription pad to open up the airways with a ‘bronchodilator’ such as salbutamol.

However, this option not only does not work effectively for memory problems in early Alzheimer’s disease for many (although the cholinesterase inhibitors might have some success in early diffuse Lewy Body’s Disease). It is also very relatively expensive for the NHS compared to other more efficacious interventions, arguably.  In September 2013, it was reported that treatment of mild cognitive impairment with members of a particular class of medications, called “acetylcholinesterase inhibitors” was ‘not associated with any benefit’ and instead carried with them an increased risk of side effects, according to a new analysis. The “meta-analysis” – published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal – looked at eight studies using donepezil, rivastigmine, galantamine and memantine in mild cognitive impairment.

These experts argued that the findings raised questions over the Government’s drive for earlier diagnosis of dementia, but the issue is that medications may not be the only fruit for a person with dementia in the future. One aspect of ‘liberalising the NHS’, a major Coalition drive embodied in the Health and Social Care Act (2012), is that clinical commissioning groups can ‘shop around’ for whatever contracts they wish, with the default option being competitive tendering through the Regulations published for section 75.  When a person receives a timely diagnosis for dementia, it’s possible that a “personal health budget” might be open to that person with dementia in future.

A personal budget describes the amount of money that a council decides to spend in order to meet the needs of an individual eligible for publicly funded social care. It can be taken by the eligible person as a managed option by the council or third party, as a direct (cash) payment or as a combination of these options. At their simplest level, personal budgets involve a discussion with the service user/carer about how much money has been allocated to meet their assessed care needs, how they would like to spend this allocation and recording these views in the care plan. Personal budgets differ from personal health budgets, and from individualised budgets, and you can read an overview of them here.

For some, the debate about ‘personal health budgets’ is not simply an operational matter. They are symbolic of two competing political philosophies and ideologies. A socialist system involves solidarity, cooperation and equality (not as such “equality of provider power” such as the somewhat neoliberal NHS vs ‘any qualified provider’ debate). A neoliberal one, encouraging individualised budgets, views the market in the same way that Hayek and economists from the Austrian school view the economy: as one giant information system where prices are THE metric of how much something is worth. In contrast, the “national tariff” is the health version of interest rates, artificially set by the State. Strikingly, cross-party support is lent in the implementation of this policy plank, largely without a large and frank discussion with members of the general public at election time.

A major barrier to having a coherent conversation about this is that the major protagonists promoting personal budgets tend to have a vested interest in some sort for promoting them. That is of course not to argue that they should be muzzled from contributing to the debate. But it’s quite hard to deny that personal health budgets not offer potentially more choice and control for a person with dementia (possibly with a carer as proxy), unless of course there’s “no money left” as Liam Byrne MP might put it.

With the introduction of ‘whole person care’ as Labour know it, or ‘integrated care’ as the Conservatives put it, it is likely that policy will move towards a voluntary roll-out of a system where health and social care budgets come under one unified budget. No political party wishes to be seen to compromise the founding principle of the NHS as ‘comprehensive, universal and free-at-the-point-of-need’ (it is not as such ‘free’, in that health is currently funded out of taxation), but increasingly more defined groups are being offered personal budgets. Personal health budgets could lead to a change of emphasis from expensive drugs which in the most part have little effect, say to relatively inexpensive purchases which could have massive effect to somebody’s wellbeing or quality of life. Critics argue that, by introducing a component of ‘top up payments’, and with the blurring of boundaries between health and social care with very different existant ways of doing things, that ‘whole person care’ or ‘integrated care’ could be a vehicle for delivering real-time cuts in what should be available anyway.

On Wednesday 9 October 2013, Earl Howe, Lord Hunt and Lord Warner didn’t appear to have any issue about a duty to promote wellbeing in the Care Bill, though they differ somewhat on who should promote that particular duty. This is recorded faithfully in Hansard.

Wellbeing is certainly not a policy plank which looks like disappearing in the near future. Norman Lamb, Minister for State for Care Services, explicitly referred to the promotion of wellbeing in dementia in the ‘adjournment debate’ yesterday evening:

“There is also an amendment to the Care Bill which will require that commissioning takes into account an individual’s well-being. Councils cannot commission on the basis of 15 minutes of care when important care work needs to be undertaken. They will not meet their obligation under the Care Bill if they are doing it in that.”

The broad scope of the G8 summit was emphasised by Lamb:

“The declaration and communiqué announced at the summit set out a clear commitment to working more closely together on a range of measures to improve early diagnosis, living well with dementia, and research.”

And strikingly wellbeing has not been excluded from the dementia strategy strategy at all.

This is in contradiction to what might have appeared from the peri-Summit public discussions which were led by researchers with particularly areas in neuroscience, much of which is funded by industry.

Norman Lamb commented that:

“Since 2009-10, Government-funded dementia research in England has almost doubled, from £28.2 million to £52.2 million in 2012-13. Over the same period, funding by the charitable sector has increased, from £4.2 million to £6.8 million in the case of Alzheimer’s Research UK and from £2 million to £5.3 million in the case of the Alzheimer’s Society. In July 2012, a call for research proposals received a large number of applications, the quality of which exceeded expectations. Six projects, worth a combined £20 million, will look at areas including: living well with dementia; dementia-associated visual impairment; understanding community aspects of dementia; and promoting independence and managing agitation in people with dementia.”

In quite a direct way, the issue of ‘choice and control’ offered by personal health budgets needs to be offered from parallel ‘transparency and disclosure’, in the form of valid consent, from health professionals with persons with dementia in discussing medications. With so many in power and/or influence clearly trumping up the benefits of cholinesterase inhibitors, with complex and costly Pharma-funded projects looking at whether any of these drugs have a significant effect on parts of the brain and so forth, both persons and patients with dementia need to have a clear and accurate account of the risks and benefits of drugs from medical professionals who are regulated to give such an account. This is only fair if psychological (and non-pharmacological) treatments are to be subject to such scrutiny particularly by the popular press.

The personal health budgets have particular needs, and they are obvious to those with medical knowledge of these conditions. Quite often there might be a psychological reaction of denial about the condition and needs, associated the stigma and personal fear about ‘having’ dementia; but this can be coupled with a lack of insight into the manifestations of dementia, such as the insidious behavioural and personality changes which can occur early on in the behavioural variant of frontotemporal dementia. There might also fluctuating levels of need on a day to day basis; like all of us, people with dementia have ‘good days and bad days’, but some subtypes of dementia may have particularly fluctuating time courses (such as diffuse Lewy Body Dementia). Apart from the very small number of cases of reversible or potentially treatable presentations which appear like dementia, dementia is a degenerative condition and so abilities and needs change over time. This can of course be hard to predict for anyone; the person, patient, friend, family member, carer or professional.

So having laid out the general direction of travel of ‘personal budgets’, it’s clearly important to consider the particular challenges which lie ahead. In the Alzheimer’s Society document, “Getting personal? Making personal budgets work for people with dementia” from November 2011, a survey for “Support. Stay. Save.” (2011) is described. This survey was conducted in late 2010, and comprised people with dementia and carers across England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In total there were 1,432 respondents. The survey asked whether the person with dementia is using a direct payment or personal budget to buy social care services. 204 respondents said that they were using a personal budget or direct payment to purchase services and care. In total 878 respondents had been assessed and were receiving social services support, meaning that 23% of eligible respondents were using a personal budget or direct payment arrangement. Younger people with dementia and their carers appeared more likely to have been offered, and be using, direct payments or personal budgets than older people with dementia.

This is intriguing itself because the neurology of early onset dementia. Two particular diagnostic criteria are diffuse Lewy Body dementia which tends to have a ‘fluctuating’ time course in cognition to begin with, and the frontotemporal dementias where memory for events or facts (“episodic memory”) can be relatively unimpaired until the later stages. Clearly, the needs of such individuals with dementia will be different from those who have the early onset of Alzheimer’s disease, where episodic memory is more of an issue. Such differences will clearly have an effect on the types of needs of such individuals, but it can be argued that the patient himself or herself (or a proxy) will be in a better position to know what those needs might be. A person with overt problems in spatial memory, memory for where you are, might wish to have a focus on better signage in his or her own environment for example, which might be a useful non-pharmacological intervention. Such a person might prefer a telephone with pictures of closest friends and family to remind him or her of which pre-programmed functional buttons. Such a small disruptive change could potentially make a huge difference to someone’s quality of life.

As the dementias progress, nonetheless, it could be that persons with dementia benefit from assistive technologies to allow them to live independently at home wherever possible. This is of course a rather liberal approach. It is a stated aim of the current Coalition government that they want to help people to manage their own health condition as much as possible. Telehealth and telecare services are a useful way of doing this, it is argued. According to the Government,  at least 3 million people with long term conditions could benefit from using telehealth and telecare. Along with the telehealth and telecare industry, they are using the 3millionlives campaign to encourage greater use of remote monitoring information and communication technology in health and social care. It is vehemently denied by the Labour Party that ‘whole person care’ would be amalgamated with ‘universal credit’, forging together the benefits and budget narratives. Apart from anything else, the implementation of universal credit under Iain Duncan-Smith has been reported as a total disaster. But there is a precedent from the Australian jurisdiction of the bringing together of the two narratives, as described by Liam Byrne and Jenny Macklin in the Guardian in September 2013. In this jurisdiction, adapting to disability can mean that your benefit award is in fact LOWER. If the two systems merged here – and this is incredibly unlikely at the moment – a person with disability and dementia in a worst case scenario could find that what they gain in the personal budget hand is being robbed to pay for the benefits hand. Interestingly, in the Australian jurisdiction, personal health budgets have an equivalent called “consumer directed care”, which is perhaps a more accurate to view the emerging situation?

There are of course issues about the changing capacity of a person with dementia as the condition progresses, and this has implications for the medical ethics issues of autonomy, consent, ‘best interests’, beneficience and non-maleficence inter alia. Working through carers can be seen a good enough proxy for working directly with the person with dementia, and of course a major policy issue is a clear need to avoid financial abuse, fraud and discrimination which can be unlawful and/or criminal under English law. However this in itself is not so simple. A person with dementia living with dementia, and his or her carer(s) should not necessarily be regarded as a ‘family unit’. Furthermore, caring professional services – both general and specialist, and health and social care – may not be signed up culturally to full integration, involving sharing of information. For example, we are only just beginning to see a situation where some care homes are at first presentation investigating the medical needs of some persons with dementia in viewing their social care (and not all physicians are fluent in asking about social care issues.) It is possible that #NHSChangeDay could bring about a change in culture, where at least NHS professionals bother asking a person with dementia about his perception and self-awareness of quality of life. This is indeed my own personal pledge for staff in the NHS for #NHSChangeDay for 2014.

I, like other stakeholders such as persons with dementia, can appreciate that the ground is shifting. I can also sense a change in direction in weather from a world where people have put all their eggs in the Pharma and biological neuroscientific basket. Of course improved symptomatic therapies, and possibly a cure, one day would be a great asset to the personal armour in the ‘war against dementia’. Of course, if this battle is won, the war to ensure that the NHS is able to provide this universally and free-at-the-point-of-need is THE war to be won, whatever the direction of ‘personal health budgets’. But I feel that the direction of personal health budgets has somewhat a degree of inevitability about it, in this jurisdiction anyway.

Thanks to @KateSwaffer for help this morning too.

Choosing a London Mayor 2012? Boris and Cameron would never talk to Rupert Murdoch like that!



One assumes that Boris Johnson would never talk to Rupert Murdoch like this? Is this person to be trusted encouraging corporate investment in London, including the City?

Of course, one assumes that David Cameron would never talk to Rupert Murdoch like this, despite Murdoch’s age. Many MPs, including Tory MPs, were simply disgusted.


Nor would Jeremy Hunt, one could imagine.

But maybe James Naughtie had it right the first time?

Book review of "You can't read this book: Censorship in an age of freedom" by Nick Cohen



You can’t read this book – censorship in an age of freedom

Available from Amazon –  Fourth Estate (19 Jan 2012)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

This book is dedicated to Christopher Hitchens, so it is entirely appropriate that there is a quotation from Christopher Hitchens at the front.

There are very many gems in this brilliant book, which has a straightforward argument elegantly executed. Cohen, for example, likens suing Twitter because you don’t like what tweeters post like to suing the sky because you don’t like the weather. It is impossible to get lost in Cohen’s argument. For example, “Censorship’s main role is to restrict the scope for action”, or, later in the book, “Censorship is at its most effective when its victims pretend it does not exist”.

I am deeply attracted to the argument proposed by Cohen. I feel censorship can too easily turn into an abuse of privilege and an abuse of process, in the same way that if you censor elements of one’s past you do not allow people a chance to see how you have responded to events. A strong thread of proportionality runs through Cohen’s argument, which is the fundamental basis of the law (not morals necessarily). For example, should there be a superinjunction protecting Sir Fred Goodwin? Should one censor Salman Rushdie on the grounds of religious bigotry only to subject him to death threats?

It is clear Cohen is well read, but not arrogant with it. The sources of Cohen’s thoughts are clearly signposted, ranging from Pedro Almodóvar to Maulana Abdu’l Ala Maududi. The account of John Milton’s “Areopagatica” being passionate against censorship, and the reference to it by William Wordsworth,  is indeed moving. The account of the response to the Satanic Verses, including the response to the fatwa is detailed and alarming; with the narrative depressing for proponents of a ‘free society’. Cohen’s thesis is immaculately delivered with precision, analysing how Robert Hughes and Christopher Hitchens might have been mindful of confusing ethicity with political ideology, in consideration of an abstract concept of ‘the Rushdie Affair’.

Cohen has a knack of saying something deadly serious at one moment, and then saying something utterly hilarious (but albeit pointed). Take, for example,

“The English establishment has a dictionary of insults for men and women who take on the futile task of making it feel guilty – ‘chippy’, ‘bolshie’, ‘uppity’, ‘ungrateful’ – It directly them all at Rushdie.”

Cohen also has a knack of stating the blindingly obvious in a way not to make you feel stupid. In opining about his rule for censors that a little fear goes a long way, he offers:

“Free societies are not free because their citizens are fighting for their freedom. They are free because previous generations have fought for their freedom.”

Cohen makes mincemeat of the big beasts typically troublesome in a discussion of censorship – such as religion, power, and money. Regarding the latter, a recurrent theme, powerfully articulated by Cohen, is that status, salary and position should offer no protection from criticism. It is fitting that Cohen mentions the modern scientific method here, but one wonders if he should have discussed the legal issues which journal peer review can find itself confronting (and the concomitant subject of libel reform in England). The discussion of the failings of the financial services, meanwhile, is compelling, However, it is clear that Cohen feels intrinsically perpexed about what he discovers under the name of ‘liberalism’ at an early stage of the book. In examining the response of liberal societies to the ‘Islamist wave’, Cohen finds that it is characterised in fact by a ‘disastrous mixture of authoritarianism and appeasement’. However, on the other hand, Cohen considers very carefully the words of J.S. Mill in its correct societal context of Victorian Britain, and finds, most convincingly to me, that some of the answer comes from the modern scientific method here. My understanding of this scientific method is that nothing can ever be as such proven (though it might be possible to disprove certain hypotheses through reductio ab absurdum), so if individuals are fallible their ideas certainly can be. This is what makes censorship against religious beliefs and political controversy potentially so dynamite.

This is the sort of book that I wish I was bright enough to write. And I did wonder whether one of the references to journalists was our very own @fleetstreetfox?

 

shibleyrahman.com first ever political survey 2010



This is the first year that shibleyrahman.com has run a poll of political journalists, commentators and presenters. Unlike the Total Politics poll, this poll is not interested in how influential you feel that these people are in the political and media scene.

I am therefore not concerned what you feel about what other feel; I consider that this is totally misleading and unhelpful. I am only interested in how useful you find the person’s professional analysis, and what impact you feel their analysis has on your considered judgment . You certainly do not have to rate every journalist mentioned, just rate the ones you have an opinion on.

There are questions, covering many different types of journalists, reporters, sketch-writers, presenters and bloggers, in different types of media, such as radio, TV, broadsheets and the internet.

The survey should take about 5-10 minutes to complete, considerably shorter than Total Politics’ survey, but this of course entirely dependent on how many people you rate! So remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Remember, you are rating them for their level of influence.

Many thanks for taking part!

Dr Shibley Rahman

You can take part in the survey by clicking here.

These are the questions this year:

Columnists and commentators

Please rate the following political columnists and commentators by how useful you find their political analysis and how much impact they have on your judgments. You do not have to rate every journalist mentioned, for example ones you have never one, but please just rate the ones you have an opinion on. Remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Not all professionals are represented.

Andrew Grice, The Independent

Andrew Porter, Daily Telegraph

Andrew Sparrow, The Guardian

Anushka Asthana, The Observer

Ben Brogan, Daily Telegraph

Bob Roberts, Daily Mirror

Charles Moore, Daily Telegraph

Daniel Finklestein, The Times

Dave Wooding, News of the World

Dominic Lawson, The Independent

Fraser Nelson, The Spectator/News of the World

Iain Martin, Wall Street Journal

Ian Drury,  Daily Mail

Isabelle Oakeshott, Sunday Times

Jackie Ashley, The Guardian

Jake Morris, Daily Mirror

James Lyons, Daily Mirror

James MacIntyre, New Statesman

Janet Daley, The Telegraph

Jason Beattie, Daily Mirror

Jean Eaglesham, Financial Times

Jim Pickard, Financial Times

Johann Hari, Independent/Huffington Post

Jonathan Freedland, The Guardian/The Jewish Chronicle

Julia Hartley-Brewer, Sunday Express

Kevin Maguire, Daily Mirror

Kirsty Walker, Daily Mail

Marie Woolf, Sunday Times

Martin Bright, Jewish Chronicle

Matthew Parris, The Times

Mehdi Hasan, New Statesman

Melanie Philips, Daily Mail

Michael White, The Guardian

Nick Cohen, The Observer/New Statesman

Nigel Morris, The Independent

Patrick Hennessy, Daily Telegraph

Patrick Wintour, The Guardian

Peter Hitchens, Mail on Sunday

Peter Oborne, Daily Telegraph

Polly Toynbee, The Guardian

Rachel Sylvester, The Times

Robert Winnett, Daily Telegraph

Roland Watson, The Times

Sam Coates, The Times

Simon Heffer, Daily Telegraph

Simon Jenkins, Guardian/Sunday Times

Steve Richards, The Independent

Suzanne Moore, Mail on Sunday

Toby Helm, The Observer

Trevor Kavanagh The Sun

Broadsheet sketch-writers

Please rate the following political sketch-writers by how useful you find their work, and how much impact they have on your judgments. You do not have to rate every journaist mentioned, for example ones you have never one, but please just rate the ones you have an opinion on. Remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Not all professionals are represented.

Andrew Gimson (Telegraph)

Ann Treneman (Times)

Quentin Letts (Mail)

Simon Carr (Independent)

Simon Hoggart (Guardian)

TV presenters and news reporters

Please rate the following TV presenters and news reporters by how useful you find their political analysis, and how much impact they have on your judgments. You do not have to rate every journalist mentioned, for example ones you have never one, but please just rate the ones you have an opinion on. Remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Not all professionals are represented.

Alex Forrest, ITN

Andrew Marr, BBC

Andrew Neil, BBC/This Week

Andy Bell, Five News

Anita Anand, Five Live

Ben Brown, BBC

Ben Wright, BBC

Carole Walker, BBC

Cathy Newman, Channel 4 News

Chris Ship, ITV News

David Dimbleby, BBC

Diane Abbott, This Week

Emily Maitlis, BBC

Gary Gibbon, Channel 4 News

Gavin Esler, BBC

James Landale, BBC

Jane Hill, BBC

Jeremy Paxman, BBC

Jo Coburn, BBC

Jon Snow, Channel 4 News

Kirsty Wark, BBC

Krishnan Gurumurty, Channel 4 News

Lucy Manning, ITN

Michael Crick, BBC

Michael Portillo, This Week

Niall Paterson, Sky News

Nick Robinson, BBC

Peter Spencer, Sky News

Reeta Chakrabarti, BBC

Samana Haq, ITN

Tom Bradby, ITV News

Vicky Young, BBC

Radio presenters and commentators

Please rate the following political radio presenters and commentators by how useful you find their political analysis. You do not have to rate every journalist mentioned, for example ones you have never one, but please just rate the ones you have an opinion on. Remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Not all professionals are represented.

Betsan Powys, BBC Wales

Eddie Barnes, Scotland on Sunday

Eddie Mair, Radio 4

Edward Stourton, Radio 4

Elinor Goodman, Radio 4

Evan Davis Radio 4

Gary O’Donoghue, BBC News

James Naughtie, Radio 4

Jeremy Vine, Radio 2

John Humphrys, Radio 4

John Pienaar, BBC TV and Five Live

Jonathan Dimbleby, Radio 4

Mark D’Arcy, Radio 4

Martha Kearney, Radio 4

Nicky Campbell, Five Live

Richard Bacon, Five Live

Ross Hawkins, BBC News

Sarah Montague, Radio 4

Shelagh Fogarty, Five Live

Victoria Derbyshire, Five Live

Political and lifestyle bloggers

Please rate the following political internet bloggers by how useful you find their political analysis, and how much impact they have on your judgments. You do not have to rate every journalist mentioned, for example ones you have never one, but please just rate the ones you have an opinion on. Remember, 1 is the lowest mark and 10 is the highest. Not all professionals are represented.

Alastair Campbell http://www.alastaircampbell.org/blog.php

Alex Hilton http://www.labourhome.org/

Claire French http://clairefrench.co.uk

David Alexander Hough http://politicalpundits.co.uk/?author=26

Guido Fawkes http://order-order.com/

John Redwood http://www.johnredwoodsdiary.com/

Kerry McCarthy http://www.kerry-mccarthy.blogspot.com/

Luke Akehurst http://lukeakehurst.blogspot.com/

Mark Ferguson http://www.labourlist.org/

Mark Pack http://www.markpack.org.uk/

Mike Denham http://www.taxpayersalliance.com/

Phil Hendren http://dizzythinks.net/

Shibley Rahman http://shibleyrahman.com

Sunder Katwala http://www.liberalconspiracy.org/

Sunny Hundal http://www.liberalconspiracy.org/

Tom Harris http://www.tomharris.org.uk/

Walaa Idris http://www.walaaidris.com

Will Straw http://www.leftfootfwd.org

Political Scrapbook http://politicalscrapbooknet

Think Politics blog http://thinkpolitics.co.uk/tpblogs/

Robin Bogg’s spot http://boggsblub.blogspot.com

Free Gary MacKinnon  http://tweetstorm4gary.wordpress.com

Red Rag Online http://www.redragonline.com

The Spiderplant http://www.spiderplantland.co.uk

Young Labour Politico Blogger http://blogtomscholesfogg.co.uk/

One Nation Tory  http://onenationtory.com/

The Right Way  http://piemandmu.blogspot.com/

Obnoxio the Clown http://obotheclown.blogspot.com/

Chris Mills http://www.chrismills.me.uk

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