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The electoral arithmetic potentially could turn out good for the NHS



abacus

Be in no doubt. This is a very complicated UK general election.

It’s pretty likely that the SNP will gain a huge number of seats in the Westminster parliament. Many of us sadly forecast this. Jim Murphy and Kesia Dugdale were not the people to inspire the Scottish electorate to a good representation.  At the time, it was pretty clear that many would go back to their constituencies and prepare for a hung parliament.

The situation is this. Ed Miliband wants a coalition with the SNP over his dead body. He has ruled out ‘a deal’, although this does not exclude lots of mini-deals to get a minority Labour government legislation through. A critical test for a Labour minority government will be whether the SNP can support a Labour government on a case-by-case basis. The economy clearly presents a problem, but many people feel that Ed Balls is ‘the weakest link’. Allowing for eased austerity and boosting consumer confidence and demand might be good for a weak recovery in the UK, and certainly the Green Party and the SNP should like to establish this.

The Liberal Democrats clearly fancy themselves as tempering the Government on preventing a lurch to the left or right. However, the credentials of the current Government are not much to brag about. National debt has gone through the roof. With the Coalition’s policies, a ‘fair society’ is not evidenced by the decimation of English law centres (aka access to justice). If Nicola Sturgeon becomes the Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, she is exercising her democratic right to be a force within UK politics, given that it was also an exercise of democracy that Scotland did not become independent.

Both the Green Party and SNP talk the talk on wanting a public-run NHS, and the proof of the pudding is in the passing of legislation. Both political parties are expected to be keen to reverse the Health and Social Care Act (2012), getting rid of the toxic sections 75 and 76 which makes competitive tendering a must if there’s more than one bidder. Given that Nick Clegg is keen to apologise for tuition fees, it is possible that Norman Lamb, if given a rôle in government as an experienced care minister, might support integration. Integration is a ‘must’ to make Andy Burnham’s “whole person care” work, bringing together a national health and care service, with pooled budgets, integrating physical, mental and social care. There are potential advantages in having a Liberal Democrat influence on health and care policy now, parking aside previous differences, on securing funding for the future for 2015-20 and giving prominence to mental health and parity of esteem.

In terms of personalities, it is going to be incredibly tough. But you can bet your bottom dollar that Nick Clegg will want to leave the scene, as there is animosity between him and Labour, and the feeling’s entirely mutual. Many Labour members also want him to lose his seat in parliament to a very good Labour candidate in Sheffield Hallam. Nick Clegg might not want to be physically there if Ed Miliband is Prime Minister, and Miliband takes the lead in scrapping the Bedroom Tax and the Health and Social Care Act (2012).

The alternative is pretty dreadful – of a Conservative government propped up by any party which wants a referendum on Europe, i.e. UKIP. Another toughie is going to be Trident, but it is likely that the majority of the Conservative Party, Labour Party and Liberal Democrats will vote against others such as the Greens or SNP on such a vote, whipped or not.

The structure and function of a possible Labour minority government is complicated, but there is actually a possibility that the relationship is a more meaningful relationship that the current Coalition. The electorate, strangely enough, might be producing a best possible outcome.

The paradox of thrift and bankers' bonuses



Over the last decade, pay at the top of the UK’s largest listed companies ballooned up to £4.2 on average on average for FTSE 100 chief executives from £1 m between 1998 and 2010, while salaries for workers barely kept place with inflation. Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) had a huge impact on the world of philosophy, proposing utilitarian value as, ‘the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people works well as a way of doing justice’. This encapsulates why so many members of the general public appear to have a fundamental problem with excessive bonuses for bankers. Whilst people on the left politics-wise do not necessary deny the contribution of bankers to ‘wealth creation’ of the UK economy, many such citizens resent that they appear, along with Premier League footballers, to have levels of pay which represent an excessive contribution to the social value of society. The utilitarian could in fact stress that growth, wealth and GDP contribute much to the happiness of all. These depend upon a functioning banking system. Likewise, banks, in turn, need investment bankers to turn a profit. If those bankers are best incentivised by the promise of large bonuses, then so be it. Indirectly, that makes everyone happier.

Earlier this year, Downing Street appeared to concede defeat in its battle to stop banks paying huge bonuses to their staff; dictating the size of individual bankers’ payments or overall bonus pools was not possible. Instead bank bosses and ministers tried to thrash out a deal that would publicise details of payouts that could reach £7billion this year. The climbdown on bonuses has been a huge embarrassment for Government ministers who had threatened much tougher measures.  The impression conveyed in the UK media that bankers have not been adversely affected by #gfc, and indeed some feel that the bankers have profited. This has been against a whirlpool of accusations and counter-accusations that the taxation policy has been indeed been ‘regressive’. Whilst politicians and economists have latterly been at each other’s necks, both are aware that there is enormous voting capital in ‘getting this right’. Equally in the USA the Obama administration have immersed themselves in a populist attack on wealthy US citizens including corporations.

Rumbling along in the background is a subplot ignited by John Maynard Keynes, an outstanding Cambridge academic, and a Liberal. There has been much discussion about whether Vince Cable, a Cambridge graduate, and a Liberal Democrat, follows in the tradition of Keynes, to some extent fuelled by Cable himelf. Robert Skidelsky, Keynes’ official biographer, has made his concerns patently clear. Cable has extensively studied Keynes for his Doctoral studies. Perhaps playing to the Keynesians last week at the Liberal Democrats’ 2011 Summer Conference, Cable opined that, “Keynes talked about a ‘paradox of thrift’; everyone and every country being individually wise but collectively foolish – leading to a downward spiral”.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The paradox of thrift is a very famous paradox of economics, popularized by John Maynard Keynes, though it had been stated as early as 1714 in The Fable of the Bees, and similar sentiments date to antiquity. The paradox states that if everyone tries to save more money during times of recession, then aggregate demand will fall and will in turn lower total “savings” in the population because of the decrease in consumption and economic growth. However, there have many inward attacks of Keynes’ well-known paradox, not least because of the unwitting conflation of the terms “capital” and “savings”. It is mooted that the classical theory of growth in macroeconomic did not presume that every saver was the ultimate investor of goods, especially in relation to the earlier work of another great economist, Ricardo. Economists have recently been quick to point out that Keynes uses the term “savings” to embrace a ‘hoarding behaviour’, which leads Keynes to his direct proposition of a ‘paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty’. Again, there is a problem with definition, as bankers bonuses might constitute ‘plenty’, but not the growth in the UK economy called ‘pitiful’ by Prof. David Blanchflower, himself a pupil of Keynes.

Should the alleged ‘excessive profits of bankers’ be clawed back by the State for its benefit? David Ricardo is credited with the first clear and comprehensive analysis of differential land rent and the associated economic relationships (Law of Rent). In schools of economic thought including neoclassical economics, land is recognized as an inelastic factor of production. Rent is the distribution paid to freeholders for “allowing” production on the land they control. Of course, corn and money, and farmers and bankers, are not necessarily synonymous.

“As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce. The wood of the forest, the grass of the field, and all the natural fruits of the earth, which, when land was in common, cost the labourer only the trouble of gathering them, come, even to him, to have an additional price fixed upon them. He must then pay for the licence to gather them; and must give up to the landlord a portion of what his labour either collects or produces. This portion, or, what comes to the same thing, the price of this portion, constitutes the rent of land ..”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

There has been a wider issue about whether the ‘differential theory of rent’ is due to strong emotions concerning ‘private property’, but prominent liberals such as JS Mill have proven words and deeds on the issue, through for example  the Land Tenure Act. Adopting a populist stance has always been easy for Vince Cable, and most Liberal Democrats heavily tout that St Vince The Cable was apparently one of the first to predict the banking crisis (as indeed objectively evidenced in Hansard). Whilst a synthesis of the economics is undoubtedly interesting to economist, both new and old, people will want to know what Cable can do about it. The answer is ‘not much’, as the FSA’s code on renumeration is considered ‘good practice’ (but relatively ‘toothless’). Cable wishes also to address the ‘disconnect’ between the excessive pay of top Directors and the performance of these companies, where Cable feels that a schism has developed. Many believe that many senior bankers seem virtually unsackable, which makes an analysis of what level of pay is appropriate for bankers from the “wage curve”. Blanchflower and Oswald (1994) how the existence of a wage curve for a dozen countries, defining the wage curve thus: “A worker who is employed In an area of high unemployment earns le than an identical individual who works in a region of low joblessness”. It would be interesting to know what the views of 31-year old trader, Kweku Adoboli, are towards that. Or indeed, what Oswald Grübel thinks: according to the Wall Street Journal this morning, “Oswald Grübel resigned as chief executive of embattled Swiss bank UBS AG in the wake of a trading loss that cost the bank more than $2 billion and now has cut short the career of a giant of Switzerland’s business community.

 

 

 

 

 

The May Elections and a conservative outcome



Of course, I’ve heard the speak about how we live in a country, England, that is fundamentally left. I am not convinced. I still believe that, as a country, we’re very conservative, with the small ‘c’. Not ‘C’ for the other word I commonly encounter in relation to the coalition’s cuts on Facebook.

The implications of this for May 6th are pretty straight-forward. We go from a position where people were voting to keep Cameron out to a position where people vote to keep Clegg out. A vast majority of people feel that Nick Clegg has been utterly useless in government in voicing any concerns about EMA, tuition fees, and a vast gamut of themes. Therefore, they simply won’t vote for anything that remotely represents him. This could mean that people will vote Conservative or Labour, according to what will achieve that aim. I do not feel that there is widespread hatred to the cuts, as there is possibly towards the tuition fees. There is an unspoken sense that many members of the general public do appreciate the argument that it’s unwise to spend £120 million/day on interest. I would not be surprised if the Conservatives actually do rather well in the elections. It is not impossible that, with the current electoral system, they could even win. There is, of course, a huge number of people who oppose the rate and depth of the cuts, but they might find the odds voting  against the sitting government heavily stacked against them.

And what does being conservative mean for the AV vote? Well, in this new breaking pledge era, Labour’s previous commitment to it is not that important. It does mean, however, people might vote in favour of keeping the status quo, particularly if it means that the second choice doesn’t come out as victorious (a Nick Clegg clone), or if they simply don’t understand the new system. If the country votes ‘No’ for AV, it might be seen as a tacit indorsement for David Cameron, but it will be difficult to ignore the impact this has on Nick Clegg. No matter how hard the spin doctors tell us to keep the issues separate.

Extradition – testing the value of human rights



The Conservatives don’t like the Human Rights Act; the Liberal Democrats like it. Now they are in coalition, and have somehow formulated a position on control orders. Extradition is much more difficult, from the point of view of the legislature. The law of extradition from England and Wales was made less complex by the Extradition Act [2003] which was a response to the raised terrorist threat in Europe. Extradition was made much easier.

The judiciary provides relative certainty in this world of uncertainty. The decision by the European Court of Human Rights to block the extradition of Abu Hamza, the radical Muslim cleric, to America to stand trial on alleged terrorist offences poses a challenge to the Coalition government. The Conservatives promised to repeal the Human Rights Act – but that would make no difference because the European Convention on Human Rights would still apply to British law and it is on this that the Strasbourg court relies for its judgments.

It is an absolute prohibition for a signatory to the ECHR to remove anyone to a place where they would be subject to inhumane or degrading treatment. Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights prohibits “inhuman or degrading punishment”. The article has a long history, expressly evoking the 1688 Bill of Rights, which prohibits “cruell and unusuall punishments”. Unlike other rights, Article 3 is unqualified, which means that a State is not permitted to justify a breach on any grounds. It is now uncontroversial (in the courts, at least) that to return a person to a country where there is a real risk that they will be in danger or torture, loss of life or inhuman or degrading treatment would breach Article 3. Therefore, the courts have no choice but to prevent any extradition or deportation which would put a person at serious risk.

Gary McKinnon has been accused of hacking to various U.S. computers. Gary McKinnon’s legal battle has included a number of appeals to the Administrative Division of the High Court. In July 2009, Lord Justice Burnton rejected his claim that, due to his mental condition, his detention would involve inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which would, if committed in this country, infringe Article 3. The judge held that the bar for inhuman and degrading treatment had been set high in previous cases, and stated that McKinnon also claimed under Article 8, the right to private and family life, but this was also rejected, as his extradition was found to be a lawful and proportionate response to his alleged offending. Unlike Article 3, Article 8 is a qualified right, which means that it can be overrided if there is a strong public interest in doing so.

The case has now been adjourned by the Home Secretary so she can consider the medical evidence afresh. Geoffrey Robertson QC calls this a test case for principles and suggests that the Home Secretary’s “main difficulty will be to override her Home Office advisers who have for years fought an unremitting, expensive and merciless battle against this poor man and his indomitable mother” However, the legislature – or rather an important part of it – has meant this story has taken, for the time-being, a turn for the worse. Nick Clegg, last week, said it would be ‘better all round’ for the two not to discuss the details of the case, which has now been grinding on for seven years. The Americans are demanding the extradition of Gary, 45, despite medical experts warning he will kill himself if sent to the U.S. for trial. Mr Clegg had been implacable in his support for Gary in opposition. He stood by Mrs Sharp’s side at a demonstration outside the Home Office in December 2009.

What we do not have is clarity on the future of the Human Rights Act. Mr Ken Clarke, the Justice Secretary, said Britain would seek to kick-start reform of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the European Court on Human Rights when it takes up a key role in Europe later this year. However, Lord Justice Woolf has signalled there is very little chance of anything changing because it would mean persuading 47 countries who are all signed up to the Convention. The Prime Minister has announced a commission to examine the creation of a British Bill of Rights and the country’s relationship with the European court. Lord Woolf, who was the country’s most senior judge between 2000 and 2005, said a Bill of Rights would also cause conflict between the two.

The upshot for David Cameron and Nick Clegg – talk is cheap, when the future of human rights in individual people are at stake.

Nick Clegg's New Year Message to Shibley: a leader without followers



Dear Shibley,

Well what a year! A white-knuckle election; a new coalition government; Liberals in power for the first time in 70 years.

I’ve recorded a short message reflecting on the events of 2010 and looking forward to what Liberal Democrats will deliver in Government in 2011.

Some people will continue to predict the worst for our Party – the same people who have been underestimating the Liberal Democrats for as long as we have existed.

But we prove them wrong at every single turn. The next twelve months will be no different, because we will continue to build the liberal, fairer, greener Britain that we all believe in.

Happy New Year!

Nick Clegg
Liberal Democrat leader

Labour knows its mistake over civil liberties from the last time – but it’s a lie to say that the Liberal Democrats are the only party of civil liberties. Nick, your party makes me sick!

Speak to the monkey – not the organ grinder!



The UK of Clegg and Cameron (Tory) as reported on the BBC is a shameful disgrace



At the age of 36, as one of the top Queen’s Scholars of England and having obtained the second highest mark in 1996 in Natural Sciences finals at the University of Cambridge, the world’s top university, I find that the United Kingdom created by Nick Clegg and David Cameron a monstrous disgrace. The BBC’s coverage last night was comprehensive, but after alleged smears against Band Aid and FIFA, the BBC are also a disgrace, With an unshamedly better pedigree than all members of the English cabinet, and indeed mediocre gossip (not very bright) Tory or Libertarian bloggers, I must say that this picture of UK plc is an utter disgrace. The only good thing is about those bloggers is that they’re not the BBC, who have maintained a strongly pro-Tory bias and very anti-Miliband bias from BBC’s Nick Robinson and BBC’s Laura Kuenssberg. The fact – though it is not the fault of the Police – that these pictures were beamed all over the world is really shameful to us as a country, but this is not surprising at all with Clegg and Cameron having pitted disabled people against non-disabled people, students against Vice-Chancellors wishing to make profit in a market-lead higher education economy. I certainly do not condone violence, but these pictures beamed originally by the BBC were revealing. I thank the BBC for them, but the power of the internet is such that people are laughing at us. I am genuinely disgusted, and the sooner both the Liberal Democrats and Conservatives get out the better. They could have easily got the money from big corporations and had a much deeper and longer debate. Suffer the consequences. I am hugely patriotic, but I am intensely ashamed of Cameron and Clegg who do not speak for me.

What a contrast to Gordon Brown winning the International Statesman of the Year award 2009, which the BBC would rather vomit at than report. Here is a true intellectual talking about the global crisis. I fear genuinely now for this country.

Dr Shibley Rahman Queen’s Scholar, BA (1st Class; second highest mark), MA, MB, BChir, PhD, MRCP(UK), LLB, FRSA, LLB(Hons)

This is symbol of what has been projected all over the world regarding UK plc.

Compass: Education is for people not profit. PLEASE SIGN!!



Up and down the country innovative campaigns have sprung up to oppose the government’s education reforms. Last night’s vote to increase fees for university students up to £9000 will turn Higher Education into a market. It reflects the wider commercialisation of our education system must be strongly opposed at every opportunity. Instead we need to see education and other public services democratise. So today we have a letter published in The Guardian aimed at uniting all groups of campaigners.

The widespread anger over higher education fees is the first step in what inevitably starts as a defensive campaign. First we fight to protect what we have. But soon, through the process of struggle, wider fissures opened up. For the sudden eruption of protests and anger on campuses and city streets has been reaching boiling point for some time. Because this isn’t just about fees, but about the final transformation of our education system from a public into a private good.

What we are witnessing is just the latest and sharpest manifestation of the remorseless process of commercialization of our lives that creates insecurity, anxiety and sheer exhaustion because it piles all the pressure of coping on us as individuals. And that burden is just too much, even for those families who used to see themselves as quite ‘well off’. Hope is systematically being taken away. The anger and frustration is real, widespread and well founded.

The key word in the higher education debate is not so much fees but variability. It is the ability to compete on price, whether it’s at the bargain basement or luxury end of the university market that signals the ultimate victory of the economy over society; of profit over people. The flow towards university privatisation will become inexorable. However, when it comes to fees, Scotland and Wales are showing that something different is not just desirable but feasible.

Today we are all conditioned to think of education as a positional good – how do we or our children benefit disproportionately compared to others? It is a rat race in which the winners are just the fastest rats. Since the 1980s universities and schools have been steadily and remorselessly marketised and pupils and students commodified. Success, as the new common sense would have it, could only be achieved through competition, between institutions for the best scholars and students and between students themselves. The pressure becomes almost unbearable – the right nursery begets the right primary, which paves the way for the right secondary and then the right university – leading ultimately to the right, that is, best paid job. Along the way those who can’t stand the pace are weeded out and those who can are tutored, coaxed and coached by parents who are only doing their duty as they help burn out those who they love the most. Mental illness amongst our young people reaches inexorable heights.

This instrumentalism is such a narrow view of what it means to be human and to be educated. That is why the students’ struggle resonates across our country. The students themselves are showing maturity beyond their years. They know this is not just about them and they cannot win any lone concessions on fees without the wider support and consensus. And why would they want to ‘win’ if it means others lose out still further? They understand what solidarity means. That is why campaigns like UK Uncut, which links corporate tax avoidance to the rebalancing of our depleted public finances, is critical both morally and practically. If one company, Arcadia, paid its tax return in full then Higher Education could be securely funded. But they are allowed to escape their responsibility to society while the rest of pay in full. The students know that Educational Maintenance Allowance is critical for hundreds thousands of young people from low income families who now attend Further Education colleges and that cleaners on their campuses should be paid a living wage. Students don’t have to be told that we are all in it together. They know it.

The political class may choose to forget but we don’t; that it was the greed of the banks and the free market regime handed to them by our politicians that tipped the nations finances into crisis.

But the cuts in education and elsewhere cannot be successfully opposed with just a No. Progress demands a vision and then the practical steps towards a better of way of being.

We start from the belief that education cannot just be a debt trap on a learn-to-earn treadmill that we never get off as the retirement age is extended. There is so much more to life than this and we want it for all – not just for some. Education in our good society is a universal public good which all must explore to reach their fullest potential. It is centered on an inter-generational transfer of wealth, in the spirit of Edmund Burke, in which everyone matters.

We recoil at the horror of passing on a world to the next generation that is worse than the one handed to us. This has gone on long enough. What is happening is wrong and we must say so in every legal and peaceful way we can – in parliament, in the media, in the all sites of education and on the streets.

We want to help create an educational sphere where it is the value of learning that matters not its price. It is about the protection and extension of a precious public realm where we know each other not as consumers and competitors but as citizens and cooperators. The driving force of education should be creating the capacity for self-organisation. It is the democratisation of schools and universities in which staff, pupils and communities share with managers the joys and responsibility of reform. We want society to enjoy the annual harvest of enquiring, critical and free minds – not the production of hard, cold and self-interested calculating machines.

Education is ultimately about how we learn to live together – not why we fall apart.

Neal Lawson Chair of Compass

Brendan Barber* General secretary of TUC

Aaron Porter President of NUS

Sally Hunt* General secretary of UCU

Christine Blower General secretary of NUT

Len McCluskey Unite general secretary designate

Tony Woodley Joint general secretary of Unite

Dave Prentis General secretary of Unison

SOAS Occupation

King’s College Occupation

Tremough Occupation

Save EMA Campaign

Caroline Lucas Green party MP for Brighton Pavilion

Jon Cruddas Labour MP for Dagenham and Rainham

Councillor Sam Tarry Chair of Young Labour

Professor Richard Grayson Goldsmiths, University of London, and former Liberal Democrat candidate

Gavin Hayes General secretary, Compass

Joe Cox Campaigns organiser, Compass

Cat Smith Chair of Compass Youth

Lisa Nandy Labour MP for Wigan

Eric Illsley Labour MP for Barnsley Central

Bill Esterson Labour MP for Sefton Central

Katy Clark Labour MP for North Ayrshire and Arran

Cllr Rupert Read Green party

Cllr Willie Sullivan Labour party

Sian Berry Former Green candidate for London mayor

Adam Ramsay No Shock Doctrine for Britain

Zita Holbourne Joint chair, Black Activists Rising Against Cuts

Lee Jasper Joint chair, Black Activists Rising Against Cuts

Richard Murphy Tax Research LLP

Clifford Singer False Economy

Sunny Hundal Editor, Liberal Conspiracy:

Howard Reed Director, Landman Economics

Martin Dore General secretary, Socialist Educational Association

Anthony Barnett Founder, openDemocracy

Dr Alan Finlayson Swansea University

Jonathan Glennie Research fellow, Overseas Development Institute

Dr Jeremy Gilbert UEL

Prof Ruth Lister Loughborough University

Prof Stefano Harney QMUL

Prof Martin Parker Warwick Business School

Prof Malcolm Sawyer University of Leeds

Prof Prem Sikka University of Essex

Prof Peter Case UWE

Prof Gregor Gall University of Hertfordshire

Prof Christine Cooper University of Strathclyde

Svetlana Cicmil UWE

Fabian Frenzel UWE

Dr Steffen Boehm University of Essex

Dr Paul Warde UEA

Dr Lee Marsden UEA

Prof Howard Stevenson University of Lincoln

Prof Michael Fielding Institute of Education

Dr David Toke University of Birmingham

Yiannis Gabriel University of Bath

Prof George Irvin SOAS

Armin Beverungen UWE

Dr David Cunningham University of Westminster

Stevphen Shukaitis University of Essex

Kevin Brehony Royal Holloway

Gabrielle Ivinson Cardiff University

Dr Michael Collins UCL

Pat Devine University of Manchester

Dr Joe Street Northumbria University

Judith Suissa Institute of Education

Jonathan Perraton University of Sheffield

Jo Brewis University of Leicester

Stephen Dunne University of Leicester

Jo Grady University of Leicester

Dr Marie Lall Institute of Education

Anoop Bhogal University of Leicester

Stuart White Jesus College, Oxford

Dr Chris Grocott University of Birmingham

Mark Perryman University of Brighton

Prof David Parker University of Leeds

Prof Ken Spours Institute of Education

Chris Edwards UEA

Nicola Pratt University of Warwick

Dr David Harvie University of Leicester

Dr Priyamvada Gopal University of Cambridge

Michael Edwards UCL

Dr Ben Little Middlesex University

Hugh Willmott Cardiff Business School

Dr Gareth Stockey University of Nottingham

Prof William Outhwaite University of Newcastle

Matthew McGregor Student officer, Sheffield University 2001-02

Prof Simon Lilley University of Leicester

Katherine Corbett Middlesex University SU arts and education chair

Dr A Kemp-Welch UEA

Graham Lane Former chair of LGA education committee

Prof Robert Hampson

Prof Sally Tomlinson

David Ritter

Laurie Penny

Anne Coddington

Rebecca Hickman

Martin Yarnit

Byron Taylor

Nick Dearden

Victor Anderson

Rosemary Bechler

Dan Taubman

* Indicates that this person signed the short version of the letter that appears in today’s Guardian only

To Sign the Statement Click Here

Dr Cable is right, but the LibDems don't smell of roses.



Could Ben Page’s IPSOS-MORI ‘worm’ could have predicted this?

Ed Miliband sitting on the picket line, whatever the hot-air discussions between Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, John McDonnell, Ed and Rosie Winterton amount to in the end, will achieve relatively little. It certainly won’t ‘topple’ Dave Cameron.

I have, on a matter of principle, not got carried away with the hysteria surrounding, for example, the ULU sit-in protests. More to the point, I think Vince Cable’s is possibly in fact correct, and we have a mechanism for voters to get what they want; they can chuck out members of the legislature at given opportunities, and also the legislature themselves can vote down legislature proposed by the Government. This is even the case if the Government is the major government in a Coalition.

So what can legal riots achieve? Well, actually, quite a lot actually, potentially. The UK Poll Tax Riots were a series of mass disturbances in British cities during protests against the Community Charge (commonly known as the Poll Tax), introduced by the Margaret Thatcher. By far the largest occurred in central London on Saturday March 31, 1990, shortly before the poll tax was due to come into force in England and Wales. The disorder in London arose from a demonstration which began at 11am. The rioting and looting ended at 3am the next morning Interestingly, at the time, response of the London police, the government, the Labour Party and the labour movement and some of the Marxist and Trotskyist left, notably The Militant Tendency, was to condemn the riot as senseless and to blame anarchists.  Nonetheless, Thatcher went, and John Major announced in his first parliamentary speech as Prime Minister that the Community Charge was to be replaced by Council Tax, which, unlike Poll Tax, took account of ability to pay. Who can forget those iconic days?

The strength of campus students feeling currently is undoubtedly strong, as they’re the ones who helped to contribute to a Liberal Democrat vote the most. Students are taking part in a day of action in protest at government plans to raise university tuition fees. In my alma mater, Cambridge, around 1,,000 students from universities and sixth-form colleges took part in the protests. A number of students climbed over railings at the university’s Senate House, where onlookers described the scene as “crazy”. Only two students were arrested by Cambridgeshire Police for obstruction, and there were some reports from protesters of police violence. Students from Parkside Community College staged a walkout to show their support.

The demonstrations come ahead of an MPs’ debate later on the proposals and other plans to cut university teaching budgets and support allowances for low-income further education students.

More significantly is that Liberal Democrat MPs are due to decide next week how to vote on the move to cut higher education funding and force students to pay fees of up to £9,000 a year. Vince Cable, who has responsibility for universities, confirmed he would abide by the decision even if it meant he was blocked from voting for a system he supports and helped to create. Having all signed a pledge before the general election to scrap tuition fees altogether, the party’s MPs are under pressure to vote against the hike. This means that the Liberal Democrats, should they choose to use it, have a casting vote in their future, and, more importantly, in a key plank of their policy, which Tim Fallon MP himself admitted that he ‘hadn’t read properly’. Onwards and upwards, this will achieve much more than Ed Miliband sitting on the picket line, but there’s one man who doesn’t come out of this smelling of roses.

Do you want the cuts to succeed?



Well, where do we begin?

If you’re a member of the Coalition, or a member of Labour, you’ll be measuring success by reduction of the deficit. The Coalition argue that Labour are not ‘serious’ about cutting the deficit in that Labour wishes to cut it less fast. There is a possibility that the Coalition will be able to make the deficit zero within 5 years. Currently, it is estimated we spend £120 million a day, which is money we can’t spend on schools, teachers, hospitals, doctors, nurses, defence, helicopters etc.

However, if you’re a member of Labour, you might think that these cuts bring the possibility of a ‘double-dip’ closer. The Coalition believe that a double-dip is most unlikely on the basis of the recent GDP figures, yet Labour believe the GDP deceleration in decrease was somewhat artefactual due to temporary ballasting of the construction sector. There could be, in any case, an increasing number of unemployed, and whilst all politicians have maintained that ‘every figure unemployed is a tragedy’, many fear the return of Lamontism ‘Unemployment is a price well worth paying’ [and for that matter Tebbitism, 'Get on your bike'].

Ed Miliband MP and the entire front bench have claimed that they wish the economy to improve, but they have never used terminology such as ‘the success of cuts’. Labour knows that it is on a sticky wicket if the economy does indeed make a dramatic improvement before 2015, because the Coalition will attempt to argue that Labour attempted unsuccessfully to block deficit reduction plans. The Coalition are in this together, in that they have nailed their colours to this particular mast, and seem likely, informally at least, to go into an informal arrangement if AV is introduced (e.g. Tories and LibDems get interchangeable 1st and 2nd votes).

Possibly, the best thing is to let nature take its natural course, and Labour should react to events as or when they happen. There has never been a plan B throughout this entire process. But the Coalition are querying whether Labour has the interests of the country at heart – or whether it would really like the measures to balls-up making growth at laughable levels and millions of unemployed, deep down in the hearts?

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